Sredny Stog Culture, 4500-3500 BC

Map of Sredny Stog (SS)

genetically distinct people
- medium to tall proto-Europoids, more robust (heavier) than Tripolye people, more gracile (slender) than Dnieper-Donets people
- mixed horse stockbreeding economy
- horse as a food source (which implies milk products, and a genetical conflict with Indo-Arian intolerance of lactose)
- horseback riding
- burial with travel and food provisions, horse, pots and tools, eastern orientation, the complex indicate formed religious beliefs
- kinship-grouped burials with ochre
- emerging of N.Pontic kurgan burials
- kurgan burials with all Türkic hallmarks of stone slabs and cists, cromlechs, eastern orientation, stone stelae, funeral feast, eastern orientation, but yet without kazan-type caldrons
- rounded or pointed base nomadic ceramics of local forest-steppe ancestry
- crushed shell tempered ceramics as technological and ethnic marker
- cord ornament ceramics - see link with Corded Culture physical anthropology

The Sredny Stog culture is easily the best known of the Early Eneolithic cultures of the Pontic-Caspian. It is attested by approximately 100 sites located primarily along the middle Dnieper and extending eastwards to include the Donets and the lowermost reaches of the Don. Both radiocarbon dates and synchronisms with the better-dated Tripolye culture indicate that this culture flourished about 4,500-3,500 BC .

The evidence for settlements in the Sredny Stog culture is not extensive and the site of Dereivka on the middle Dnieper is by far the most impressive. An area of over 2,000 square meters was apparently bordered by some form of fence which enclosed several houses, work places and areas of ritual activity. The houses were slightly sunk into the ground, rectangular in shape, with the largest measuring 13 by 6 meters. Hearths were found within them. Scattered about the site were various activity areas including a place for repairing fish gear and processing one's catch, a potter's workshop, and a place where bones were worked into tools. Semi-subterranean huts are also known from Alexandria, and surface dwellings, similar to those from Dereivka, have been uncovered at Konstantinovka on the lower Don. At Dereivka, in addition to more secular activities, there was also some evidence for ritual. This included a deposit consisting of the head of a stallion accompanied by the left footbones of a horse, the remains of two dogs, and a figurine in the shape of a wild boar. Beneath one of the walls of a house was discovered a pit with the burial of a dog.

The economy of the Sredny Stog culture was based on stockbreeding, agriculture, hunting and fishing. The domestic livestock, in terms of the attested number of individuals from five Sredny Stog sites, included horse, sheep/goat, cattle, pig and dog.

The horse served both as a meat source, evidenced by the slaughter patterns which specifically reflect the butchering of young males, and for transport. Antler cheekpieces for fixing the bit in the horse's mouth are known from Dereivka and other Sredny Stog sites. This evidence, coupled with the logical requirements of controlling herds of horses from horseback, supports the thesis that the horse was probably ridden at this time. Generally, archaeologists are skeptical that the horse could also have been employed for traction. Both the small size of the animals (average withers height of 136 centimeters) and the absence of a suitable harness would have rendered these earliest domestic horses poorly suited to pull the heavy timber carts or wagons that are first attested in the Eneolithic.

Although the horse would have revolutionized transportation and the mobility of the Sredny Stog people, it is questionable whether it alone provided the complete prerequisites for true steppe nomadism involving the cyclic exploitation of steppe pastures on a year-round basis. While sheep were well suited to the steppe, the presence of domestic pigs on Sredny Stog sites points to a settled regime, although one that was amassing the technological and economic requirements which might permit specialized nomadic pastoralism. It is always very difficult to evaluate the comparative values of stockbreeding versus agriculture in prehistoric sites, yet the evidence for half a dozen querns (primitive stone hand grinder) and about a dozen grinders from Dereivka at least indicates the processing of plant foods, although these may not necessarily have been domestic. In general, Soviet (now Russian) archaeologists assume (i.e. not assume, but stipulate, based on the refuse bone count) that stockbreeding provided the primary core of the Sredny Stog economy.

Distribution of the Sredny Stog and Novodanilovka sites
After Mallory "In search of", p. 198

Nomadic pot
Pointed-based pot from Dereivka
After Mallory "In search of", p. 201

The wild animals hunted by the Sredny Stog population included a wide range of prey attested throughout Europe. The primary game animals were red and roe deer, elk, wild boar and, again reminding us more forcefully of the riverine environment of these sites, beaver and otter. Badger, wolf, fox and hare are also represented in the faunal samples. Birds such as mallard, pintail duck, goose, teal and coot were recovered as well.

Finally, there can be little doubt that fishing also played a role in the Sredny Stog economy. The discovery of net sinkers, fishhooks, and fish remains at Dereivka confirms the exploitation of wels, perch, roach, red-eye, carp and pike. Unio and Palludino shells were also collected extensively.

The technology of the Sredny Stog culture provides several areas for comment. Ceramics were still bag-shaped with rounded or pointed bases which clearly reflect their local forest-steppe ancestry. The fabric of the vessels was frequently tempered with crushed shell which provides a useful technological, and some would claim ethnic, marker for the Pontic-Caspian region. By the later period of the Sredny Stog culture, the so-called Dereivka period following 4000 BC, cord ornament appears on the pottery setting a pattern which subsequently emerges over much of the rest of Europe at a later date. The implications of this design technique will assume greater importance when we attempt to trace the expansion of the Indo-Europeans (or certainly non-IEs for that matter).

The lithic remains of the Sredny Stog culture contain much of what we might expect of most Eneolithic societies across Europe. Knives, scrapers, arrowheads, spearheads are all known. Among the antler tools, the most interesting are the hammers and mattocks which occur in great abundance at Dereivka. The excavator, Dmitry Telegin, argues that the hammers were close range weapons and served an analogous function to the stone battle-axes which appear later in the Eneolithic. Cheekpieces for horses were also fashioned from antler.

Copper objects are rare in the Sredny Stog culture and generally consist of little more than beads, although Telegin suggests that copper tools did exist at Dereivka as evidenced by traces of copper oxides on worked bone and the requisite techniques employed in working antler into tools. Evgeny Chernykh has demonstrated by spectral analysis that the copper was derived from the Balkan-Danubian region and probably passed eastwards via the Tripolye culture to the Sredny Stog.

A number of Sredny Stog cemeteries have been uncovered and reveal relatively uniform burial rites. The graves are simple pits without any evident surface marker such as a kurgan. The deceased were buried on their backs but with their legs flexed (in distinction to the customary extended positions of the Dnieper-Donets culture), and they were frequently strewn with ochre (like the Dnieper-Donets graves). Grave gifts were few and included pots and tools (the religious concept of the grave goods apparently is identical with the Samara, Dnieper-Donets, and later stage of  the Globular Amphorae cultures). At Dereivka one of the graves was accompanied by a pot imported from the Tripolye culture.

The disposition of the burials within the cemetery is also distinguished from the previous (i.e. earlier?, older? genetically related? genetically replaced?) Dnieper-Donets culture where numerous burials were interred in a series in group pits. In the Sredny Stog culture the burials tend to be grouped into small numbers, two to five, which are separated from other small groups within the same cemetery. Soviet archaeologists see in this a shift in social organization where the various small groups indicate family or other kinship units who retained their distinct identities even within their cemeteries.

The Sredny Stog cemeteries also provide information about both the physical appearance and life-spans of the population. In general, the Sredny Stog people are described as proto-Europoids of medium to tall stature, more gracile than the Dnieper-Donets people but still quite robust when compared with their contemporaries in the Tripolye culture. From the small Sredny Stog cemetery on Igren island, Ina Potekhina has examined the demographic structure of the population. Males who had achieved adulthood died on average about the age of thirty-six years while the few females in the cemetery, contrary to the usual pattern observed in prehistoric cemeteries, outlived the men and died at about forty-four years of age. If the very high rate of infant mortality is taken into consideration, the average age at death for the entire population was about twenty-seven years.

There are quite marked similarities between the burials of the Sredny Stog culture and those of the Novodanilovka group which also occupied the lower Dnieper and the steppe region of the Ukraine contemporary with the early Sredny Stog culture. The Novodanilovka burials are grouped into small cemeteries, generally not exceeding half a dozen burials, among which Chapli, Yama, Voroshilovgrad (renamed back to Luhansk) and Petro Svistunovo are the best known. The burials are in the supine position with legs flexed, orientation is to the east or northeast, and the deceased was sprinkled with ochre - all of which are characteristics also seen in the Sredny Stog culture. Where they differ is in the elaboration seen both in the construction of the tombs and in the grave goods. Generally, the grave pits are lined with stone slabs and the burials are richly accompanied with a wide assortment of goods. Included among these are stone tools of which long flint knives, arrowheads and spearheads are quite typical. The flint is of high quality and was obtained from the Donets region. Polished stone axes, fashioned from slate or serpentine, maces made from stone, antler or even copper also occur. About a dozen copper bracelets are known; their function is indisputable, as they have been found about the lower arm bones of a burial at Chapli. Other ornaments include rings, beads and pendants of copper, and pendants fashioned from boar's tusk, animal teeth and shell. Globular vessels with slightly pointed bases also occur with the burials.

The interpretation of the Novodanilovka group is made extremely difficult because of the total absence of any settlement sites. Other than a few hoards of copper or flint objects, such as the Goncharovka hoard with 150 knife-like blades, the Novodanilovka burials are without a clear cultural context. They were initially assigned to the Sredny Stog culture but are now recognized by Ukrainian archaeologists as an independent group, putatively composed of specialist flintworkers engaged in the long-distance exchange of flint and possibly copper.

Sredny Stog (SS) culture Novodanilovka cemetery

Male-female burial at Chapli
We can see now traditional home partition reflected in counterposes and positions
After Mallory "In search of", p. 202

Copper bracelet from Chapli (D. 6 cm)
Imported from Balkans
After Mallory "In search of", p. 203

That future discoveries within the Sredny Stog settlements may extend the range of its objects and practices to include the more exotic items found in Novodanilovka burials is always possible, and it has been suggested that these graves merely represent wealthier members of the Sredny Stog culture. What is most important is the pattern of broad general (and biological) similarity between the different cultures and groups occupying the Dnieper-Ural area.

The third major Ukrainian cultural entity of the earlier Eneolithic is the Lower Mikhaylovka-Kemi Oba culture which spans the region between the lower Dnieper and the Crimea. The lower Dnieper variant, the Lower Mikhaylovka culture, synchronizes roughly with the later part of the Sredny Stog culture, while the Kemi Oba culture of the Crimea extends into the later Eneolithic.

Some settlements have been ascribed to the Lower Mikhaylovka culture, the most famous being the eponymous site of Mikhaylovka where the Lower Mikhaylovka remains underlie the later Pit-grave settlement and fortifications. Here semi-subterranean houses were found, one of which measured about 15.5 by 5 meters. The faunal remains from Lower Mikhaylovka were not abundant but include sheep/goat, cattle, horse, pig and dog, in that order, with some traces of hunting. The ceramics are different from the Sredny Stog culture and are flat-based with raised necks. Of special note is a low pedestalled bowl which may be interpreted as a censer, analogous to similar ritual paraphernalia encountered regularly in this region throughout later prehistory.

Burials and associated rituals have attracted special attention. The burials are placed in low kurgans (mounds) and the presence of stone rings, cromlechs, is frequently noted. Hearths have been discovered built on top of the kurgans, on their periphery or within the burial pit itself. Grave goods are rare but may include pottery, copper awls or shell ornaments (i.e. the same cultural and religious pattern later recorded among Huns and Turkic people accross the steppe zone).

Kemi-Oba and Lower Mikhaylovka versions of Sredny Stog culture

After Mallory "In search of", p. 204

One of the more striking recent discoveries of the Lower Mikhaylovka group is the existence of altars or offering places. Beneath a kurgan at Kalanchak was found a circular area on which lay the fractured remains of an anthropomorphic stone stela with traces of ochre; potsherds; and animal bones. Similar deposits have been found elsewhere (i..e. area associated with Sredny Stog traditions).

To the south, in the Crimea, are the remains of the Kemi Oba culture which is primarily represented by small cemeteries. Besides those features which are similar to the Lower Mikhaylovka group, for example, kurgans, cromlechs, eastern orientation, and so forth, there are several other features of considerable interest. A number of the tombs which have been built as stone cists have included painted ornament on the walls. Of greater representational interest are the carved stone stelae on which are depicted the heads and arms of figures, and which are covered with both geometric and more realistic ornament. A fine example of this is the stone stela that derives from Kernosovka. The stela stood 1.2 meters high and depicts the head, including a face with a moustache and beard; arms; and phallus. On the front surface of the stela are carved images of what have been interpreted as tools such as mattocks, a battle-axe, and animals including two horses. There are about seventy such figures known from the Pontic region. Considerable evidence exists that they were employed in Later Eneolithic burials, especially in the construction of Pit-grave graves where they were used to cover the deceased. This was clearly not their original purpose since they were constructed to stand upright, and Dmitry Telegin suggests that they were originally manufactured by the Lower Mikhaylovka-Kemi Oba culture and later appropriated by Pit-grave tribes who reused them in their own burials.

Kernosovka stelae of Sredny Stog culture
From Dnepropetrovsk Historical museum collection of 86 stelae ranging from Sredny Stog to Kipchak

Kernosovka stele, publicised in 1973

Natalia stele, publicised in 1862

Other stelae from Dnepropetrovsk Historical Museum collection of 86 stelae


Stele below depict males

The crown-type hat of jewelry-adorned female below depicts a discernable tamga insignia

Stele below apparently depict a female in a conical hat holding a ritual drinking cup, with a discernable Turkic runiform 6-letter inscription running from the brim up and terminating at the top with insignia of either a Dulat tamga  , or a Turkic letter m from the Turanian alphabet, the stele is typical for Kipchak graves

We have already noted the potential importance of the Caucasus in stimulating the Neolithic economy in the Pontic-Caspian region. The association of the northern Caucasus with the Pontic-Caspian is much more clearly seen in the Eneolithic period. One of the earliest north Caucasian sites of importance is the cemetery at Nalchik. Here were found 147 burials placed under very low kurgans which together formed an extensive low kurgan covering an area of about 300 square meters. Although twelve of the burials were found in the supine position with legs flexed (as we frequently encounter in the steppe), the majority were deposited on their sides, males on their right and females on their left. Ochre frequently accompanied the burials. Grave goods included pendants fashioned from animal teeth, flint tools, and a series of marble bracelets. The earliest burials at Nalchik are dated to the Eneolithic. Other than a few other burials and a single settlement site, there is little local context for the Nalchik cemetery which appears to straddle the world of both the steppe and the Caucasus.

Sredny Stog (SS) culture Nalchik kurgan cemetery

After Mallory "In search of", p. 205

Similar to shown below male-female burial at Chapli, males are on their right and females on their left, deseased are furnished with tools, and covered with ochre

Nalchick precedes the Maykop culture which takes its name from the famous royal barrow at Maykop southeast of the Sea of Azov. The massive quantity of gold and silver ornaments and vessels has long been the subject of archaeological debate: what were their precise chronological and cultural relations with the Bronze Age cultures of the Near East, Anatolia, and their neighbors in the Caucasus? The sites of the Maykop culture appear to cluster in the Kuban region from whence they extend eastwards across the northern Caucasus. Burials are typically found beneath kurgans which generally employ stone constructions such as cromlechs and stone cists. The deceased are found buried either in the supine position with legs flexed, or on their sides. Copper objects are a frequent burial accompaniment.

The origins, interpretation and absolute dates of Nalchik and the Maykop culture are perennial topics of debate. Their origin, for example, is variously attributed to a yet unidentified local Neolithic population, or to a northward expansion of the Eneolithic cultures of the Caucasus. More important from our poinf of view is the elaboration of their burials, with stone constructions which many archaeologists see as a source for the stone-built tombs encountered in the Lower Mikhaylovka and Kemi Oba cultures.

Similarly, they offer ceramic parallels for some of the cultures on the steppe. Finally, in their strategic position between the steppe and the major metallurgical centers of the Caucasus, the northern Caucasus becomes an important factor in the cultural development of the Pontic-Caspian in the Later Eneolithic and Bronze Ages.


Khvalynsk culture

- mixed horse stockbreeding economy
- horse as a food source (which implies milk products, and a genetical conflict with Indo-Arian intolerance of lactose)
- burial with travel and food provisions, horse, pots and tools, eastern orientation, the complex indicate formed religious beliefs
- kinship-grouped burials with ochre
- stone grave covers, funeral feast, eastern orientation
- rounded or pointed base nomadic ceramics of local forest-steppe ancestry
- crushed shell tempered ceramics as technological and ethnic marker

Khvalynsk culture which takes its name from the major cemetery of Khvalynsk, situated on the right bank of the Volga. This cemetery covered an area of about 1,100 square meters and revealed the remains of 158 burials. The cemetery reflects striking similarities with both the Dnieper-Donets and Sredny Stog cemeteries. While there are forty-five individual burials, the majority were placed in group pits ranging from a pair to as many as seven together. The burials were normally in the supine position with legs flexed, often covered with ochre, and orientated from north to east. The graves were simple pits, though a number had been covered with stones.

The grave goods from the Khvalynsk cemetery are exceedingly rich and include about fifty pots, again employing crushed shell temper; beads fashioned from Unio shell, bone and stone; dentalium shell pendants; stone arrowheads and axes; bone harpoons, fishhooks and knives; and animal bones. Here, too, were uncovered figures carved from boar tusk and shell, and about forty copper objects. These included spiral bracelets and rings and, like the Sredny Stog copper, spectral analysis indicates that the copper was originally derived from the Balkan-Danubian region far to the west. In the overburden of the graves there were found the bones of domestic horse, cattle and sheep/goat.

Comparison of material from the Samara and Dnieper-Donets cultures
After Mallory "In search of", p. 208 Fig. 110
  Comparison of material from the Khvalynsk and
Sredny Stog-Novodanilovka cultures

After Mallory "In search of", p. 209 Fig. 111
5500-4800 BC 6000-4000 BC   5000-4500 BC 4500-3500 BC

Igor Vasiliev points out that, excluding the differences in ceramics, there are striking similarities in burial ritual and technology between the Khvalynsk and the Sredny Stog cultures. To these we may add, naturally, the presence of domestic horse, which is apparently known as early in the middle Volga-south Urals as on the middle Dnieper. The similarities suggest to Vasiliev that there was a broad Sredny Stog-Khvalynsk horizon embracing the entire Pontic-Caspian during the Eneolithic.